Thursday 11 November 2021

The love of freedom

 

 'The life story of Yassin al-Haj Saleh, one of Syria's most important writers, tells a lot about the ongoing tragedy in his homeland. He almost died this year in Paris. He was invited to a podium discussion on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the Syrian Revolution, and to read from his books in which he explains why there is much more raging in his homeland than just war.

The morning before the return flight from Paris, al-Haj Saleh received a positive corona test result. He was left alone in a friend's apartment. And got very sick. It was difficult for him to breathe, he was in unimaginable pain, but he didn't call for help, just lay there. Three days long. Until the friend worried that al-Haj Saleh wouldn't answer the phone. In the intensive care unit, the oxygen level in the blood was only 86 percent. It was very close, so says al-Haj Saleh. The doctor asked: How did you endure it? Why are you only coming now?

 A few weeks later, in June, he says softly, but firmly, in English: "I endured the pain in Paris because I longed deeply to punish myself."

 In the face of death he realized again that he was unable to convince himself that it was only a mistake from today's perspective to leave Samira behind in Douma near Damascus, eight years ago. About the fact that they had no choice and couldn't know. At that time, Al-Haj Saleh wanted to go north, to his family in Raqqa, the city he came from, just captured by the rebels, and help build something there. Artists gathered, a new newspaper was published. But the only way out of Douma, controlled by the radical Salafist militia Jaish al-Islam and besieged by government troops, a good 400 kilometres in total, many on foot, would - everyone said - too dangerous for his wife, the human rights activist Samira Khalil. In addition, she did important work for the Violations Documentation Center in Syria (VDC) in Douma, with which she later documented the attack on the Eastern Ghouta, with the nerve gas sarin by the Syrian Air Force in August 2013, in which, according to US data, 1,400 people are said to have died. But Khalil also documented the attacks by opposition members. She would follow al-Haj as soon as it was safer.



 Yassin al-Haj Saleh arrived in Raqqa after 19 days, but in the meantime his two brothers who lived there had been abducted by ISIS. Al-Haj Saleh went into hiding with his sister-in-law and her young son. After two months he managed to flee to Turkey, to Istanbul. He and Samira discussed on Skype how their departure would also be possible, the situation changed every hour. The conversations grew shakier. There was hardly any electricity left in the Duma. His great love only appeared blurred on the screen, as if they were getting further and further apart.

 On December 9, 2013, Samira Khalil, who despite threats still did not cover her hair when she took to the streets, was found together with prominent activist Razan Zaitouneh and her colleagues Nazem Hamadi and Wa'el Hamada by armed men from Jaish al -Islam kidnapped from the office of their NGO. Since then she has disappeared without a trace. And the author Yassin al-Haj Saleh, whom some call "Syria's voice of conscience" and others the "doctor of the revolution", feels, besides the grief, this extreme guilt for which he believes he has to atone - which is another injustice in its history, rich in injustices.



 Yassin al-Haj Saleh was born in 1961 in a village near Raqqa, not far from the border with Turkey, the fourth of nine children, the mother being everything. In the village, he says, everyone was related to one another. They had sheep, chickens, dogs, a donkey - and one day even a school, thanks to the now ruling Arab socialist Ba'ath party. Al-Haj Saleh was an even better student than his eldest brother. When he was eleven years old, he moved with him, just 16, and the second oldest, 14, to the city, Raqqa had hundreds of thousands of residents, in a small room that his father rented so that they could all go to secondary school.

 Al-Haj Saleh describes this event as trauma, he was still a child and for the first time and forever without his mother. He started reading a lot of books. The Metamorphosis of Kafka became the most important thing for him. Not only did he himself wake up every morning feeling different from the boy he had just been, the country was also changing: in 1970 Hafiz al-Assad, the general secretary of the Ba'ath party, from the minority Alawite community, became Prime Minister and, with the support of the military and the secret service, began to shape Syria into a left-wing nationalist dictatorship that was oriented towards the Soviet Union. In 1971 al-Assad became president, which he remained until his death in 2000, followed by his second eldest son: Bashar al-Assad.



 Yassin al-Haj Saleh no longer knows when he became political. He wonders today if he was political at all before becoming a political prisoner. In any case, when he went to Aleppo to study medicine, like the eldest brother, he joined one of the then two communist parties in Syria. Those who were critical of Moscow. The goals: democracy, real socialism, unity of the Arab states. Above all, he says, Marxism made him feel that he was one of the good guys and that there was a future for his country beyond the ubiquitous propaganda of the al-Assad family. At the meetings of his party group, Muslims came together with secularists, Sunnis with Shiites. On one of these evenings, on the 7th December 1980 at one o'clock in the morning, what Yassin al-Haj Saleh calls "the arrest" happened, the police took him and some comrades away. But it was more of a kidnapping: Al-Haj Saleh was imprisoned for 16 years and 14 days from then on. He was 19 when he got to jail and 35 when he left in 1996. The charge: membership in a prohibited association. Yassin al-Haj Saleh was only on trial after twelve years, and he never saw a lawyer. After him, his brothers were also imprisoned for five and six years. Their mother, sick with grief, died while the sons were locked away.

 The worst, says al-Haj Saleh, was not the humiliation, the beatings, the insults. It's time. She was the enemy. The torture. You just stopped your life. After a year and a half, at least books were allowed. He learned English. Noam Chomsky. Hannah Arendt. Anna Seghers. After eight years, the prisoners went on hunger strike to get pens. He wrote letters and small notes, but when you are inside, he says, you can't look at it yet. In time, says al-Haj Saleh, time became his friend. He felt that he was developing, even though he was not moving. An inner journey as he only knew it from the Koran, which had always remained alien to him. "It was an emancipation from all the circumstances that surrounded me," he says. "I became free from the challenges of freedom out there." In 1992, in court, he was offered a deal: If he cooperated with the régime, he would be set free. "Freedom only existed at the expense of dignity," says al-Haj Saleh. So he stayed trapped and yet free, as he found out. He was transferred to Tadmur prison in the desert near Palmyra, notorious for torture and murder. All others who were arrested with him in 1980 accepted the régime's offer, he learned. Al-Haj Saleh was among 300 prisoners who were crammed into 90-square-meter cells in Tadmur.



 Yassin al-Haj Saleh completed his medical degree in Aleppo, although he knew that he never wanted to be a doctor. He dissected other people's bodies in the university, but had realized that it was inside himself that he wanted to research. This place, to which he had been able to retreat behind bars, remained his protection even in the overwhelming and abundance of the open world. And writing down his thoughts gave him the security he missed, absurd as it sounds, now that the prison walls were no longer around him. "The prison made me a writer," says al-Haj Saleh. At first he hired himself as a translator, his first assignment: a book by Noam Chomsky. From the year 2000, at almost 40, he published his first texts, in various newspapers and magazines, political analyzes on Syrian society and the Arab states. And yet, says Yassin al-Haj Saleh, he would never have found his place without Samira. They met in 1999 over a meal from former political prisoners. Samira Khalil, an Alevi from Homs, was also imprisoned for membership in a Communist Party from 1987 to 1991. They both knew what they were talking about. Samira, says al-Haj Saleh, also had eight siblings like him. And yet, above all, she was different. So direct. Their laughter filled the streets. Your courage every room. After her release from custody, she ran a publishing house in Damascus. She didn't care that people whispered because she lived alone. Yassin al-Haj Saleh had hoped that he would get to know love, even though he was a man without youth. But he hadn't expected that.

 They married on September 5th, 2002, in their favorite restaurant. They found a 35-square-meter apartment in the suburbs of Damascus. The second and short life of Yassin al-Haj Saleh began. A very good one, he says. Of course: he still lived in a prison, now in one called Syria. He never received a passport. But his desk was enough for him to go exploring. Every week he wrote his column for the London newspaper al-Hayat. He knew that he couldn't write everything, and yet he wrote everything, called for reforms, justice and the end of corruption, yes: the free Republic of Syria - but he did that by talking about himself and his everyday life, from the little things the great, out of the cell into the world. There is writing about politics, says al-Haj Saleh, and there is politics about writing. A friend joked that Assad's censors just didn't understand his literary style. And yet they called him in regularly. Al-Haj Saleh sometimes got the feeling that they were only doing this to justify their snooping positions, they had to prove something to their superiors. They always let him go. He was immune, says al-Haj Saleh. How else could they break him?

 Soon he was one of the most famous commentators in Syria. He made good money. And more importantly: Samira and he made many friends, especially young ones, from the university, who gathered in their living room to debate. They no longer felt childless. Did you feel free? Maybe. Together they had come further than expected, every new morning with Samira was a revolution.



 So it was almost a shock for Yassin al-Haj Saleh when the Arab Spring erupted in late 2010. The mass demonstrations in Tunisia and Egypt. The deposition of those in power, Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali and Husni Mubarak, after a few weeks. Then the first protests in Syrian cities. Al-Haj Saleh wanted to protest, but his friends advised against it. Nobody is that immune. If there was one thing Bashar al-Assad had no use, it was a symbol against him. So al-Haj Saleh stayed at home. At first he believed that the change of power would take as long as pregnancy. The country would be ripe in nine months. But he saw how the army acted against the demonstrators. Heard of the dead. From the Free Syrian Army that formed. And decided he had to get out. He had waited for this all his life. That's what he'd sat for all his life.

 For Yassin al-Haj Saleh, going underground meant that he moved into the apartment of a friend who only he and Samira knew about. This is how his third life began. Al-Haj Saleh says that the solidarity during this time was unique. He even wrote about it for the New York Times. There was nothing left to lose. When her niece's husband was arrested and questioned about her, Samira Khalil was also forced to go into hiding. They fled to Duma, where many tried to bring order in the midst of the chaos. These people had been liberated by Islamists. Everyone recognizes the mistake in this sentence, says Yassin al-Haj Saleh.

 The frightening normality in which Yassin al-Haj Saleh and Samira Khalil lived in Douma can be traced in the documentary Our Terrible Country, which was released in 2014. The young filmmakers Ziad Homsi and Mohammad Ali Atassi accompanied al-Haj Saleh in 2013 on his excruciatingly long journey to Raqqa, into a supposed future, with a group of intellectuals and deserters. Al-Haj Saleh is worn down from the heat and the pain of separation, and yet he seems fearless and euphoric. What makes Our Terrible Country so depressing is that Ziad Homsi captures the moment of disillusionment with his camera. On the way, Yassin al-Haj Saleh learns of his brother's disappearance. And in Raqqa he comes across a bizarre scene in which street art activists design walls while next to them warriors of God reprimand passers-by with machine guns. Evil slowly seeped through the city, says Yassin al-Haj Saleh. But it didn't take him long to understand that it wasn't just the struggle of the people for the liberation of their country being waged here. But that the country became the scene of completely different fights and the people remained hostages.

 Al-Haj Saleh's father died shortly before the war began, which to date has killed more than half a million Syrians and from which around 13 million people have fled. His friends and relatives are scattered over Europe, France, Spain, England. The brothers who escaped ISIS live with their families in the Netherlands and Norway. He's not lonely, he hasn't been lonely since prison. He writes every day. But Yassin al-Haj Saleh is angrier than ever, even if you rarely notice it.



 It is not just Germany, but "the so-called West". that ticked off the conflict in Syria as "complicated". And ignore the fact that there are many "complicators" who support the various hostile groups - Russia and the USA, Turkey and Iran, plus Israel. "If something is complicated, you should really take a look," says al-Haj Saleh. “Then you would see two wars: that of a people against its dictator. And then the geopolitical, the occupying powers on the back of this people."

 The western world, however, had decided that the greatest danger in Syria came from terrorists and that Bashar al-Assad was, so to speak, the lesser evil, "probably because, viewed from here, a studied mass murderer in a tie appears more bearable than a praying mass murderer with a lint beard." Yassin al-Haj Saleh is not someone who would downplay Islamists; they took his wife away from him. And yet, on a walk, he points out that only about five percent of the dead in the Syrian war can be blamed on ISIS, while the vast majority of deaths can be attributed to the ruler Bashar al-Assad. "We are dealing with a genocidal régime," says al-Haj Saleh. "In Germany I often hear that Syria is a kind of GDR, but no: Syria is more of a brutal Stalinist state."

 He would like to ask Noam Chomsky, says al-Haj Saleh, why he is defending Bashar al-Assad. To see an attempt to overthrow Assad instigated by the USA out of dated anti-imperialism in the fight against Assad insults him, says al-Haj Saleh, and all his fellow campaigners who have sacrificed so much.

 “But we Syrians are not just victims,” says Yassin al-Haj Saleh, “that's why I don't want us to get used to this status. We have a long history in the struggle for freedom, and it is not over yet. In Germany, it is only becoming increasingly clear to him that many Western societies have not had to fight for their freedom for so long that they are busy fighting over their own identities. That is why there is a lack of empathy for the Syrian cause in this country. "It's not about compassion," says al-Haj Saleh, "but about understanding that Syria is the country that currently best symbolizes human suffering in this world." And maybe Yassin al-Haj Saleh is the human being, who best symbolizes this country.



 "Your husband is still the same writer who only has the word as a weapon," says one of the letters to Samira that Yassin al-Haj Saleh has been writing regularly since 2017. In it he tells his wife what has happened in Syria since she disappeared. From big politics. And the dead friends. They are love letters and editorials at the same time.

 Does he have Samira in mind when he writes to her? “I always have Samira in front of my eyes. When I think of Syria, I think of Samira. And when I think of Samira, I think of Syria.” She lives, he says, until he knows she is dead. He hardly has any hope left, but he clings to it. He doesn't want to accept that this is his fourth life without her. A friend from Damascus claims to have heard that the militia handed her over to the régime at the time. How cruel is it that a Syrian prison would be the best thing that could have happened to her? The 16 years in prison, says Yassin al-Haj Saleh, are the reason why he is not desperate. The prison vaccinated him against desperation.

 Is he happy that he survived the Covid infection, even though he wanted to punish himself for three days, in April, in Paris? Yassin al-Haj Saleh nods. But he smiles his mocking smile at it. He doesn't have to say it. It wouldn't be a punishment if it passed.

 His punishment is that he keep going.'

Aid workers in Syria say the regime misappropriates humanitarian aid

 

 'The Assad régime controls humanitarian aid efforts for political gains, appropriating aid meant for those in need, humanitarian workers say.

 Mousa, a manager who worked as procurement and logistics manager in the humanitarian sector in Syria, called it quits six months ago. He couldn’t cope with the pressure mounted by the Syrian régime.

 Mousa was “pressured on a regular basis” through those who hired him. He gave the account of his ordeal to the Syrian Association for Citizens Dignity (SACD), a civil rights movement established by Syrians, explaining why he quit his job.

 Eight years ago, when he got a job at the United Nations through some contacts, he said he wasn’t aware about the menacing reach the Syrian régime had in the organisation.

 “I didn’t imagine that there would be interference in all financial details, employees’ salaries, names of beneficiaries and even the organisation’s funding,” he said.



 Mousa was among the 45 humanitarian workers from 29 international and local Syrian organisations in the régime-held areas who were interviewed for a report published on Thursday by the organisation.

 The report found that the Syrian régime was directly influencing aid organisations to weaponize humanitarian assistance for political gains, as well as appropriating the aid meant for those in need. It also found an unspoken agreement between the régime and aid organisations operating in the régime-controlled areas.

 In practice, it means the régime determines who benefits from aid assistance and who does not; and appoints staff, hires employees, directs help and benefits only to its supporters, the aid workers say.

 They also blame the régime for setting up “independent” framed Civil Society Organisations to appear in political negotiations as representatives of “civil society” as well as collecting international funds.

 More than 50 per cent of aid workers who spoke to SACD said the Syrian military directly or unofficially intervened in their work.



 “The acceptance of such interference permeates all aid organisations, international and Syrian; there is now a dangerous symbiosis between these organisations and the régime’s institutions,” SACD has warned.

 That’s a sentiment that Ibrahim Olabi, a lawyer at Guernica 37, Int Justice Chambers and founder of Syrian Legal Development Programme shares.

 “The problem is not the régime on its own. The UN agencies and states funding those NGOs are allowing this to happen, saying that ‘we don’t want to politicise aid’,” Olabi said.

 “The régime needs these organisations and their aid to be able to feed the people they control,’ Olabi said, noting that the international organisations and donors behind them need to exercise more leverage.

 “In my opinion it’s not politicising. On the other hand the régime is politicising the aid and it’s eventually harming more people.”

 Olabi said that by international law, and the UN peace-keeping parameters, “the government or the parties in armed conflict must facilitate aid, not intervene with it.” But the real question, he argues, is where the aid is going, and if it’s going to finance more crimes or abuses.

 Around 44 per cent of interviewees said they believe that the Syrian régime military and militias was seizing more than 25 per cent of the humanitarian aid that was aimed at being distributed to régime-controlled areas. But 16 per cent of the aid workers said it was much higher, up to 75 per cent of the aid.



 Over 4 million people, meanwhile, fear a final showdown by the Syrian military and allies in Idlib, the last major opposition stronghold that is also largely isolated from the world.

 The majority of current Idlib residents reside in the camps and are in need of urgent access to basic humanitarian assistance amid isolation.

 The Syrian régime on the other hand has been insisting on the delivery of international aid through Damascus instead of border gates from neighbouring Turkey -- what human rights organisations see as a method of forcing Idlib into submission.

 Most recently in July, the régime’s ally Russia used its veto power at the UN Security Council to reduce the number of border crossings into Syria.

 SACD spokesperson Haya Atassi said that the information the aid workers gave deciphered the Syrian régime’s method of manipulating aid to deliberately starve opposition-held areas.

 The Syrian régime is “leading to the forced displacement of entire populations, not to mention blackmailing UN agencies and other organizations, to control the aid and use it to serve its own political and military interests,” Atassi said.



 One aid worker still tied with the UN, Meera said “all staff were in fear of being called for interrogation if they showed any objection to the interference.”

Over ten years into the Syrian war, the majority of the international community is still hesitant to repair political relations with the country’s régime leader Bashar al Assad.

 They blame the régime leader Bashar al Assad for cracking down on the widespread protest in 2011 --- what turned into a full-blown war that killed 400,000 people and created an unprecedented refugee crisis by displacing more than 50 per cent of the population.

 As the European Union and the United States stand behind their sanctions against the régime, a trend of warming ties with the régime seems to be slowly taking over the Gulf.

 The United Arab Emirates has recently sent two planes of humanitarian aid directly to Damascus.

 Atassi said, “there must be an independent, objective audit of how their funds are being used by the UN agencies and international and Syrian organizations working on the ground to prevent aid manipulation and interference by the Syrian régime in furtherance of its repressive, criminal agenda.” '



Sunday 7 November 2021

We must think about how to liberate our land


 Jameel al-Saleh:

 "Regarding the possibility that the régime and the Russians will start a new campaign, this is a valid possibility. During the 10 years that have passed of the Syrian revolution, our experience with the régime and the Russians: they are not true to their word.

 This is a battle that will not end except with the victory of one of the two sides. Either the régime is victorious, may Allah forbid, and of course we have great trust in Allah that the victory will be ours, and the revolutionaries and the mujahideen who put forth their blood and sacrificed, during those long years with their blood, houses, villages and their cities.

 We have the utmost certainty that there is a battle nearing. Not just a possibility, but an assurance that there is an upcoming operation. And we are constantly preparing ourselves for it, us and the other mujahideen factions. Whether it is preparing ourselves on the frontlines in terms of stabilisation, weaponry, equipment, we are constantly preparing ourselves. And by the will of Allah, we will not be surprised or unprepared if the régime decides to attack.

 We and the mujahideen factions are all preparing ourselves. And truth on this issue, something we are hearing a lot in the media is that the liberated areas will be taken by the régime and the Russians. In reality they will not take anything. This is fake news that is spread by supporters of the régime. And these rumours help the régime, whether intentionally or not. There are people who trust the régime, and listen to the rumours spread on social media. These false rumours are constantly trying to distort the image of the liberated areas. But in reality, all the mujahideen, all revolutionaries, all the youth who are present in the liberated areas, are preparing themselves and their weapons to defend and preserve the land. We are not satisfied with just the liberated areas. We must prepare ourselves for complete liberation, as we and our people in the camps, the detained brothers and the detained sisters; they are all waiting. To liberate the areas and open the areas.



 There is something we must think about, not just think about the campaign against the régime. We must think about how to liberate our land, how to take back our areas, how to take back our country completely. And disgrace the Russian occupier and the Iranian occupier. And get rid of the criminal Bashar al-Assad.

 At the same time we don't want to fall into previous errors. Like the false media and media directed towards the treason of the factions or the treachery of our men. On the contrary, we must stand with our men and the factions. Our men have lost thousands of martyrs in the battles of the Hama countryside. During the battles for Maarat al-Numan and Saraqib, the factions lost thousands of martyrs and thousands of injured. Until we lost the area completely.

 Now, of course, we are fighting countries who have determination. We are fighting Russia.This issue is not resolve by a publication, or by treason that exists on social media. This issue is resolved by the enlistment of our men. All those in the camps, villages and cities, even the Syrians who are outside the country; they should ready themselves, in order to resist this régime, until we liberate our country. It is through you.



 We all claim that we do not want to repeat the old mistakes. By Allah, our men did not prepare correctly for the enemies. We prepare our weapons and ammunition, we must prepare our men in the right way. We encourage all people to join the mujahideen factions and be ready. Not only to defend the liberated areas. They must prepare themselves to liberate all the areas under the control of the Russian and Iranian occupiers, and the criminal régime of Assad. During our experiences in the last battle, in the battles of the Hama countryside, we saw the barbarism of the bombing by the régime. We saw the régime's heavy bombardment in which aircraft and artillery were used. To be honest, it caused big losses to the mujahideen factions. So the preparation, engineering, and fortifications were better. And we are continuing to improve the trench engineering. The work and improvement on the frontlines never finishes. That is why this improvement is the most important thing that has been done. Until we know how to deal with the barbaric tactics that they use, especially with the high military presence of the Russians and the régime."