'It must be remembered that before 2011, Syrian civil society did not exist, whether it was activism or real involvement in life in Syria. The few NGOs that there were were all controlled by the régime, like that of First Lady Asma al-Assad, the Syria Trust for Development, founded in 2001. This was very carefully presented to the public and to donors who wanted to believe that after 30 years of Hafez al-Assad's reign, there would be a movement conducive to reforming the system. When the uprising began, in the light of the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt, the Syrians felt their time had come. Of course, we had the Damascus Spring in 2000, when Bashar al-Assad came to power. The difference between the “two Springs” was that the first one emerged with the voice of intellectuals, like Riad Seif, Riad al-Turk and Aref Dalila. Literary salons have emerged; this moment was limited and limited in time. After 30 years of dictatorship, they hoped that Bashar would be a little different.
Spring 2011 was made up of a whole new generation of activists. I personally focused on the 10 years leading up to the revolution. It didn't come out of nowhere, it happened because these people were frustrated with their miserable living conditions. They saw that their patience was going nowhere. You have to put the pieces of the puzzle together to understand why civil society has exploded with rage: ten years of failure, despair, deterioration of the economic situation, etc. The spark that led to the Syrian revolution occurred in Daraa. It was a burst of indignation, the Syrian youth mobilized as a whole and understood that it was a turning point, a question of life or death. It is important to note that this revolution was a success, it enabled a real movement of activism to begin in the first years of the conflict, even during the régime's military assaults which immediately followed. The generation of 2011 was inspired by the ideas supported by the intellectuals of the 2000s. An important point to underline is that civil society discovered itself, by bringing down the walls of oppression. Local coordination committees have sprung up across the country.
The smear campaign against the White Helmets, psychological warfare during the Siege of Aleppo and revisionism after the chemical attack on Ghouta, are some of the most unfortunate consequences of what I call "selective anti-imperialism". From day one, the régime's speech was to tell the world that it was the victim of a plot by the West, Israel, NATO and the Gulf countries. It is a speech that Damascus used from the start. A defense system sewn with white thread, but which has been surprisingly popularized. We assumed that many western journalists and movements would understand the Syrian revolution as they did the Egyptian revolution, the Tunisian revolution, the militants in Bahrain, etc. Instead, they started talking about "civil war" from the start. Even though they did not speak exactly like the régime, the situation was described as "complicated", "We don't know what is really going on", they said. It was scandalous. When the chemical attack occurred in August 2013, it was immediately realized that there were people who were so imbued with ideology that they would never let sincere Syrian revolutionaries speak, but that they would give credit to the counter-speech, which was de facto defending the régime, even if they claim they did not. We have many documented examples: Robert Fisk, Patrick Cockburn, Vanessa Beeley and many more. Robert Fisk had an image of respectability, thanks to his long career as a correspondent in the Middle East. He was the reliable, independent journalist that the Western public could count on. In fact, as early as August 2012, he wrote an article after the Daraya massacre. It was a tissue of lies and denials of war crimes, a real horror. When someone claims to be a freelance journalist and gives exactly what the régime wants to read, it means that he is subservient to it.
Thus, we clearly observe that even before the chemical attack, there was an ambiguous tendency towards the régime among some journalists. It wasn't until the chemical massacre happened that this reality came to light. It was a blatant bias, which had not happened so clearly in other revolutions. Important news organizations claimed that this information "had not been independently verified", that it was "presumed". They did not use these terms when it came to régime claims or government-controlled areas. It would have taken a lot of research to bring all of these sources together.
As a result, the public who were not ideologically inclined to understand the situation began to form their thoughts: "It's sad, there is a civil war, nothing can be done about it". The very idea of "extremists" also arose early on, presented as the main opposition to Assad. In fact, there was a very mixed combination of rebels who started fighting the head of state. We also quickly forgot the Free Syrian Army, which was made up of soldiers who defected and were immediately joined by civilians. The whole situation was blurred, also with the arrival of the al-Nusra Front and later the Islamic State group. In the end, the 2016 siege of Aleppo was presented as an equal battle between "two camps", which was not true. A whole hostile rhetoric against the Syrian opposition had taken hold.
Documentation and archiving is the most important work to be done nowadays, due to an explicit revisionism. We live in a time when even the United Nations has retracted its old positions and is now giving the régime a new opportunity. Many people will tell you that this is the most documented conflict in history, not all of the other atrocities in Bosnia or Rwanda were on YouTube, Facebook or Twitter. And yet, we still have to do some groundwork on the subject. The Collective Memory of the Syrian Revolution group has worked for years to document these things, as has The Day After, a civil society group of which I am a part. The Museum of Activism is not just about Syria. The mission of MOA is to show how activists, peaceful in essence, share the same goals: a life made up of dignity, equality, justice. And what the MOA shows is that the Syrian activists are the same as those of Black Lives Matters, Occupy Hong Kong, etc.
Syrian militants have been fundamentally abandoned by other militant movements as well. On the other hand, we see that the Palestinian cause is supported by a number of activists from different sides. For example, when Israel bombed Gaza in May, everyone spoke out in favor of Palestine and Palestinian civilians. The Syrians did the same: they continued to defend the Palestinian cause. But the reverse has unfortunately not happened for the Syrians. When George Floyd's murder took place, Idlib activists painted a mural with the words “I can't breathe,” without this image being popularized, unlike the same type of mural drawn in Gaza that it does. , had gone viral.
I believe that Syrian activism changed the world because first of all it brought about the emergence of a Syrian society, it changed the way a new generation thought about its life, its potential future and made it possible to say : "We deserve the same rights". It changed the way the people we talked about before - the selective “anti-imperialists” - proceeded, as they were exposed as being people who followed certain ideologies and did not follow the fundamentals of journalism. These activists refused to back down and this Syrian activism had a domino effect. I would like to add a point: we often hear now that the Syrian people are divided between people of the opposition and those who are favorable to the régime. Anyone who lives under the régime is considered pro-régime. It is nonsense to me. Residents of areas controlled by the régime are hostages of the régime as much as residents of the Idlib region. They know there is no point in trying to do anything because the world has looked away for several years. The suffering is collective.
The current fiasco is is a direct consequence of the story that says: “Assad won, the war is over. Syria is now safe, so you can go back there ”. This analysis was propagated by elements of the extreme right in Europe. They are gaining ground and also influencing the Danish government and other European governments. Some countries have started to reopen embassies in Damascus or are considering doing so. Consequently, a person recognized as a refugee and who has applied for asylum no longer has this justification. The discourse is now focused on reconstruction and the return of the displaced. This is why the narrative and revisionism have had such a terrible impact on the Syrian people. Demonstrations are no longer enough, we need a much stronger system and an army of lawyers fighting for human rights; we must work to bring Syrian war criminals to justice, as was the case in Germany. It's just a drop in the ocean. In Denmark, the popular photo of Asma al-Natour is very revealing: either you leave Denmark immediately or you are condemned to live in a detention camp. After World War II and the “never again” it leaves a bitter taste. To the physical suffering of the refugees is now added the psychological trauma, a collective trauma that is still alive. The story of these refugees threatened to live again under the terror of the Assad régime tells us that we cannot give up the fight.'
"If you were presented with the opportunity to save an innocent life, without risking your own, would you do it? Most people would. Ladies and gentlemen, the opportunity is presenting itself today. It presented itself yesterday, and every day since march 15th 2011. That is 3,912 missed opportunities to save innocent lives in Syria. In that time, more than 350,000 people have been killed by the Syrian régime, according to the United Nations. I could have been one of those 350,000 people who were killed. As a child, I was detained by the Syrian régime. For three years I was detained. I was starved, tortured within an inch of my life. Instead, today I am standing before you as an example of an innocent life being saved.
My mother saved my life. Her name is Hala, and I want you to remember that name. Despite her husband, my father, and her sons, my brothers, being slaughtered in front of her eyes, during a massacre in my village, al-Bayda, where the Assad régime and its Iranian allies, murdered every man. Every woman. Every child. Even the elderly, the trees, the animals. Very few people survived. Among them was my mother. She led hundreds to safety, and in doing so, she had the courage to stand up to the brutal dictatorship that held me captive for three years.
Instead of complaining about her limitations, she found a way to take actions. And despite many failed attempts to get me out of prison, she kept trying again and again. She persisted until I was freed. Her actions may seem like an isolated event, but I believe that by saving me from prison, my mother set an example of how we must all act to stop the Syrian régime from ta\king more lives, and hold its leaders accountable for the countless lives it has already taken. It does not require a miracle. It just requires courage, action and persistence.
During my time in detention, specifically in Branch 215, I was tasked with numbering the dead human beings, including those of my own family members, in a room where they collected all the dead bodies. During the horrible years of my life in Assad prisons, there was a single month - one single month - where it was different. There was less torture, I even numbered fewer dead bodies. We get more food. I was surprised, but after I was released out of prison, I went back to the media, to check what happened that month. This action, the stopping of torture and allowing the food to enter, was after the public release of evidence, called the Caesar File. The guards feared that they will actually be held accountable.
Unfortunately, the world turned away, and the machinery of death continued. It was only one month. I have had the honour of meeting with Caesar, a brave, humble man, who in two and a half years, in Damascus alone, documented almost 55,000 photos of women, children, and elderly, who'd been tortured to death. Today we have the photos, the documents, the command responsibility, the camera and the flash drives. We have stronger evidence today than what we had against the Nazis at Nuremberg. But still: no international court, and no end to the ongoing slaughter of civilians in Syria.
Recognising the effect of the régime's actions on their own interests, some countries, like Germany, have already taken legal action against key members of the Syrian régime. In doing so, they have challenged the limitations of the international system, using the power of their national courts, to uphold basic principles of human rights and international law.
However, these efforts are simply not enough. I understand there are barriers to action, but I also believe in the international system, in the United Nations and the principles they were founded upon. Ladies and gentlemen, today more than half of the Syrian population are displaced. Inside and outside the country. Well over 350,000 people have been killed, and hundreds of thousands remain in Assad's political prisons.
Earlier today, I spoke on the phone, to another individual. Another Syrian individual, who I'm honoured to call actually a friend of mine by now. Who. from 2011 to 2017, was tasked by the Assad régime intelligence services to bury civilians murdered, from Damascus and around Damascus. Every single week, he buried hundreds and hundreds of innocent victims of Assad's machinery of death. His testimony is proof that what Caesar documented, and what I numbered, continues to this day. We even know where the mass graves are located.
There are countless Syrians who are willing to bear witness to our never again moment. The United nations, I think, should support organisations like the Syrian Emergency Task Force, and other organisations that have been working and documenting war crimes in Syria, and work to support the prosecutions. The United Nations should support mechanisms like the IIM that document the most brutal actions of the Assad régime. As long as the international community is not an option for their pursuit of justice and accountability, these organisations need to be supported, and we should support the establish of a court that can serve the same purpose. Because the people I numbered, including my best friends, and my cousins who died with me in prison; the people Caesar photographed and the gravedigger buried, they're all gone.
My family, my father, and my brothers, were massacred. They are gone. It's too late to save them. The victims of the many chemical weapons attacks that happened in Syria by the Syrian régime, they are gone. We can't save them. It's too late to save them. But there are millions, there are millions, there are millions, who can still be saved. And that is my biggest ask to you, that you save them. That you stop the ongoing crimes. That you stop the killing in Syria.
So, when you wake up tomorrow, before you check your phone or do anything else, I invite you to ask yourself the question: if you were presented with the opportunity to save an innocent life, without risking your own, would you do it? Because most people would."
"I am expected to start this session today by telling you: how it's an honor to be here, but I can't. Not if I want to be genuine to the suffering of my people. My biggest honour was and still is that I am part of the Syrian revolution. Which made me hold onto hope with my fellow Syrians, chanting in the streets, daring to dream of dignity, freedom and the state of law.
I'm known as Waad al-Khatib, which is not my name, but a name I chose, to hide my name from the security forces. The same mukhabarat that Omar just talked about, who arrested and tortured him. Omar, who survives today, and gave us so much courage and hope.
I talk to you today as an activist, who protested, who was beaten, who was shot at, demanding democracy for my country. I talk to you as a mother, who gave birth to my first child in a makeshift hospital in East Aleppo, where I was living with my husband Hamza. Hamza is here today. He was an emergency doctor, managing the last remaining hospital [in Aleppo], which was deliberately targetted by the Syrian régime supported by Russia.
I'm talking to you as a refugee who was forcibly displaced after the besiegement of Aleppo in 2016. And now, I'm hearing from so many of your countries' officials and media, talking about how safe it is for us to be returned to Syria. Syria is not safe as long as Assad is still ruling.
And I talk to you as a film-maker, who thought that my mission would be just to deliver the injustice I documented to the world. I, and many Syrians, used to have faith that the world won't let us down. That you, the Security Council, would do everything to stop the war crimes and their genocide in Syria.
One of the women I found, while we were in besieged Aleppo, shouted to deliver this to you. She said, with a six month old baby, 'Film, film, let the whole world see this!' At that moment, I was worried that I would let her down. That I won't be able to survive, and her message will die with me. However, the major disappointment came after I shared her shouting out to the world, and to you. You refused to acknowledge, and this Council refused to act.
I talk to you today, as one of millions of Syrian witnesses and survivors. Of what are defined as war crimes, and crimes against humanity, by laws that you states have created. But where is the outrage when new laws are broken? Where is the action? This Council remains a spectator of the Syrian people. And if you think I am angry, yes, for sure you are right. You have let us down. Your Council held countless meetings through all these events of my life. There are 42 reports by the UN Commission of Inquiry alone, and this does not include Amnesty, Physicians for Human Rights, the OPCW or reports from tens of Syrian organisations.
All of this, and some of you are now discussing renewing diplomatic relations with the Syrian régime. And granting lucrative contracts to warlords, to reconstruct the Assad régime, and what he has destroyed in our country. Because this Council has failed to hold those responsible to account, we Syrians, along with states and international lawyers, have been exploring alternative ways to do so ourselves. For example, with the legal team at Guernica 37, we are working to hold Russia accountable for its targetting of hospitals and medical workers, before the European Court of Human Rights. A court stemming out of a treaty that Russia agreed to. The Russian state, the Russian judicial authorities, have done nothing to investigate and prosecute such conduct that violates the international laws of life. So we must now seek to hold the state accountable for its failures, and we will do so.
We are also working with some states present here, to establish collective international action against individuals responsible for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. The evidence is there, the perpetrators are known; all that remains is the will. It's essential that there is a credible international process to investigate and prosecute the use of chemical, biological, and other forbidden weapons in Syria, and we have identified ways to do so. I'm here to ask you, how are you going to be part of the accountability effort?
We are here today to seek accountability, not only to heal the past, but also to protect the political hope for the future. One day, Syrians will go out into the streets. They will shout again, 'Ash sha'ab yurid isqat an-nizam.' ['The people demand the fall of the régime.'] It is our responsibility today, to make sure they won't face war crimes. It's your responsibility, in your power, to prevent genocide, not only in Syria, but in the whole world.
What messages are you sending to us, to your people, and to your children? What will the next conflict look like if impunity persists? It's OK to torture people? It's OK to kill children? It's OK to bomb hospitals? What sort of legacy are you leaving behind for the next generation?
Today, as we speak, there are over three million civilians living in Idlib, facing the daily threat of their schools and their hospitals being targetted. Their villages of being bombed. We don't want one of them to be sitting in my place next year, briefing you about what happened in the next year. We want all of you to do your part to save them all. You have to save them all.
Sama, my six-year-old daughter, asked me before I came here, why I have to go to New York City. I said, 'Do you remember the kids in Idlib, who the monster just killed? I have to go to speak about them.' She sadly said, 'But they are already dead. Why do you need to go?' For a second, I didn't know what to say. Then I told her, 'I'm trying. I'm trying to do my part, so other children won't be killed.'
So I leave you today with this question. And adding another to what Omar asked. If your children ask you the same thing, will you be able to look them in the eyes, and say that you as state members of the Security Council, are able to do your part?"
"Prior to joining Guernica 37 as a lawyer, growing up as a Syrian, I never ever thought I'll be a witness to the mass historic injustices that I once read about in textbooks. Today the world still holds a chance to hold perpetrators to account, as we have not yet become long distant history. We are very much in the present. This present depends on what the world does today. And by world, I mean states, and by states, I mean individuals here with us in this room today.
In the past we may have had the excuse that we did not know about those crimes. But today we heard over and over about the amount of evidence that is available. The IIIM [International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism], the Commission of Inquiry with 1270 pages of reports, thousands of interviews. And that's just the commission of inquiry, let alone the OPCW, the Joint Investigative Mechanism, and enormous evidence with the IIIM.
All the presented evidence demonstrates how the Assad régime is the main, but not only perpetrator of atrocity crimes that you states present here today agreed for them to be crimes. And so when the Assad régime breaches those laws, it's not a message to us Syrians. It's a message to every signatory state to that treaty, that I can break those laws, and I can get away with it.
Yet somehow, through deliberate disinformation tactics, Syria became a war. Where death is somehow inevitable. As if refugees fled war, not persecution by a brutal régime. Syria is not a war zone. It's a crime scene. And whilst wars may end, crimes linger on. With the crime scene known, the evidence widely available, and perpetrators clearly identified and named, why has this Council not acted?
We are grateful to some of the countries present here with us today, who acted in their individual capacity. Netherlands and Canada using the torture convention which may end up in front of the International Court of Justice. A process which we at Guernica are proud to assist. Germany and France with the numerous arrest warrants we've heard about today. And the UK, with investigation through its Metropolitan Police into high-level individuals, and its Foreign Office looking into collective ways of holding individual perpetrators to account for the use of chemical weapons.
But why have I only mentioned Western states? Why have I not mentioned the Syrian state, as some member states today have mentioned? Well, with all that evidence, not a single prosecution in Syria, and continuous vetoes blocking referral to the International Criminal Court.
We are grateful to Estonia and all the co-member states for hosting the event here today, and the Council must keep accountability on the table. The Council must not shy away from naming perpetrators, starting with the Syrian régime, but not ending with it. Crimes are not committed by themselves, nor by states and abstracts. They are committed by people, and these people must be held to account.
In response to the states that talked about sanctions, fourteen Syrian NGOs and victim groups have called upon Assad to end sanctions. Yes Assad. His crimes attracted sanctions to Syria. And if he were to submit to justice, and to the UN agreed political solution, they will end. We call upon Assad's ally to get him to end sanctions on Syria.
It has been said, that if you torture one person, you may end up in prison. But if you torture hundreds of thousands, use chemical weapons, forcibly displace, you end up in a peace conference. We Syrians will fight to prove this saying wrong, and change the course of history. We hope that you will all join us."
"From here, the term veto, which I heard several times now, might seem like a mere technicality. However, it wasn't. On the 5th December, 2016, Russia and China voted for a Security Council resolution for a seven days truce in Aleppo . Seven days only for safety, and allowing aid for me, my family, and for the people back in Aleppo. I join the member states asking for the limiting of the veto power regarding mass human rights atrocities, so seven days peace won't be such a difficult task to achieve.
Second point, according to a Physicians For Human Rights report, more than 90% of the attacks on hospitals in Syria are the responsibility of the Syrian régime and its allies; Russia and Iran. Those who are demanding accountability, we are demanding it for all attacks. We are not the ones blocking international justice to 90% of these attacks.
Finally, Syria was not a civil war, it is not a civil war, so please stop referring to this in your statements. It was a peaceful demonstration, the whole world witnessed this, and it will always be. We are not the ones who are protecting criminals, and one day, as I see you all here, I am sure that we, the survivors of Syria, will be joining these meetings as a free country, as people who respect human rights, who respect the future of all of us, and we will not be protecting criminals."
"To members who contributed and acted to help the Syrian people in the struggle against dictatorship, and help them during this crisis, I want to say thank-you. And members who limited their actions to statements - statements sometimes helpful, but most of the time they cannot limit the scream when they pull out your fingernails - you need to take action.
And to the member states that helped the Assad régime kill its own people, like the Russians, and the Chinese, the Iranians if they were here, and the disappointing statement from the Indians: I will tell you, let's assume your scenario that the Syrian régime is fighting terrorism. And that you are helping the Syrian régime in fighting terrorism. Let's assume that. How could a régime be respected fighting terrorism after displacing half of its population? How could a régime stay in power when they actually have allowed the displacement of more than fourteen million people? How could they still be in power when they detained me and there's proof that I was detained and tortured and my fingernails were pulled out? There is proof.
I challenge you to get proof from the Assad régime showing that I did any crime. I challenge you to prove that I did any crime when I was detained. As a minor. As a child.
So many survivors try to tell their stories. When you tell your story, you risk your life. So many countries have taken these refugees in, but failed to provide them with the protection. I was called by the intelligence services. I was called by the guard who tortured me for one year and nine months in Syrian prisons. And he threatened me on the phone. And when I talked to the police, I had an answer saying take care, be careful. That's not enough. I learned that from the war, from years in the war, I know, I should be careful. So that's not enough.
We need more help. Some people have fought for so long time. It's just tiresome to see fewer and fewer helping us. So I want to encourage you to take a step. The first step could be just talk to this survivor. Don't listen to them on the phone, come and shake their hands, talk to them. Be present, be close. That's how you take responsibility.
And responding to the sovereignty of the Syrian régfime, what sovereignty are we talking about? This régime has allowed the Russians to lead in Syria, the Iranians to kill in Syria. In Damascus, there are prisons where the Iranians have more power than the Syrian régime. That obliged the Russians in different locations in Syria. What sovereignty are we talking about?
Again, I want to be grateful for the countries that gave me an opportunity to survive. I want to be grateful to Sweden that gave me a home. I'm a refugee in Sweden. I'm grateful. I want to be grateful to Norway, where I found my first love after being in a hateful place in prison. And I also want to be grateful to the US, where Georgetown is my new home, my new place, my new school.
The world, despite all pain, despite all darkness, has hope. And I live for hope. I eat on this hope. And I see that we have potential. If I survived three years of torture on a daily basis, starvation, and psychological torture every day, you can change. You can take action."
'UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al-Nahyan visited Bashar Assad in Damascus last week, in a further sign that some Arab countries hope the Syrian dictator may change his behavior.
The visit was part of the UAE’s effort to embrace Syria and reconcile with the Assad régime. However, the belief that Assad can change his behavior flies in the face of the proven fact that he is neither willing nor able to do so; a change of behavior would mean his end. No attempt to persuade him otherwise has succeeded, and none will, for the simple reason that his methods of ruling — authoritarian, centralized and brutal, exactly like those of his father Hafez — are the only way he can survive. Assad cannot share power, because sharing power would mean losing it.
Arab attitudes to Syria are divided. While the UAE is normalizing, with the declared aim of helping the Syrians and containing Iran, Qatar has categorically rejected any such approach, and its foreign minister has said that Assad should be held accountable for his régime’s crimes. The Saudi Foreign Minister, Prince Faisal bin Farhan, said the Kingdom was not considering engagement with the régime, although it “understands” the effort by other countries to try to push a certain political process and break the unacceptable status quo. Jordan, meanwhile, feels the need to humor the brutal neighbor on its doorstep after the régime deployed troops in the southwest. It also poses a great danger to the Hashemite kingdom with the smuggling of weapons and drugs. Jordan refers to Assad as a “fact” — but the “fact” is that because Assad’s behavior will never change, there will be no peace, neither now nor later.
The Emiratis speak of bringing Assad into the Arab fold and creating a rift between him and Iran, but their assessment is based more on wishful thinking than on reality. The Russians have had a relationship with the Assad régime from the start, they have had bases in Syria since the early 1970s, and they saved Assad in 2015 when he was on the brink of defeat in the civil war. If they could not drive a wedge between Damascus and Tehran, will the Arabs — in whom Assad has no trust — be able to do so? I very much doubt it.
The Israelis, on the other hand, have a realistic approach to Assad. They say their problem is not with him, but rather with Iran. At the end of the day, however, it is Assad who is allowing Iran to use Syria as transit territory for weaponry to reach Hezbollah. Israel knows that after one week of fighting in 2006, 80 percent of Hezbollah’s arsenal had been destroyed, and it was only after Assad opened the border and supplies started to flow that Hezbollah could continue to fight. Israel’s nightmare now is Hezbollah’s “precision project” to equip some of its 150,000 missiles with sophisticated GPS and render them accurate to within 5 to 10 meters — bringing airports, desalination plants, power stations and other vital Israeli infrastructure within target range.
Hitting targets in Lebanon, or even Hezbollah positions in Syria, will not stop the stream of weapons as long as they can transit through Syria. And no matter how effective or precise the intelligence the Israelis have, it cannot detect every arms shipment. Moreover, Israel cannot act unilaterally against Syria without the blessing of the Russians, and Israel understands Syria’s importance to Russia — at least its previous prime minister did. This is why Benjamin Netanyahu had such a smooth relationship with Vladimir Putin, which Netanyahu’s successor Naftali Bennett hopes to maintain.
Assad is now seeking to open channels with Israel, but the latter has not been taking the Syrian dictator seriously. As far as the Israelis are concerned, “Assad has cried wolf too many times”, one US official told me. In 2007, Turkey tried to broker Syrian normalization with Israel, but Assad had cold feet at the last minute. The Israelis know Assad will not change his behavior, so they will not waste their time in futile discussions.
The Emirati plan is for a step-by-step normalization, meaning that for every concession Assad offers they will reciprocate, and vice versa. But Assad will simply obtain what he needs from them, and then find an excuse to stall the process. This tactic is already visible in the behavior of his delegation at Syria’s constitutional committee; they keep finding reasons to stall the negotiations and not commit to anything. At the same time, they want to give the impression that they are negotiating, when in fact they have no intention of compromising on anything, and have no goodwill.
Previous Arab overtures produced no results. The Emiratis reopened their embassy in 2018, and have lent a helping hand to the regime, but their support resulted in zero change in behavior. Doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results is a popular definition of insanity. Overtures to Assad in hopes of a change in behavior appear to fall into that category.'
